Physical and Emotional Problems of Children and Families Who Are Victims of Crimes

Violence Vict. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2016 Oct 5.

Published in final edited class as:

PMCID: PMC4991621

NIHMSID: NIHMS809494

Furnishings of Physical and Emotional Child Corruption and Its Chronicity on Law-breaking Into Adulthood

Abstract

Analyses tested hypotheses that pertain to direct and indirect effects of parent-reported concrete and emotional corruption on later self-reported criminal behavior in a sample of 356 adults of a longitudinal study of more than than 30 years. Childhood antisocial behavior was included in analyses as a potential mediator. Physical abuse only predicted developed offense indirectly through childhood antisocial behavior, whereas emotional abuse predicted adult upshot both straight and indirectly. Chronicity of physical abuse was indirectly related to afterwards criminal offense in a subsample test for those who had been physically abused (due north = 318), whereas chronicity of emotional abuse was neither directly nor indirectly related to adult crime in a test of those who had been emotionally abused (n = 225). Implications for futurity research and exercise are discussed.

Keywords: child abuse type, crime, antisocial behavior, arbitration

There is relatively strong prove that physical and emotional child corruption is associated with afterwards forms of antisocial behaviors in children, adolescents, and young adults (T. I. Herrenkohl, 2011). Although in that location are exceptions, published findings are in large part from cantankerous-sectional studies in which a temporal ordering of variables is uncertain (e.g., Rosenbaum & Bennett, 1986; Sack & Mason, 1980). In addition, there has been very niggling published research on the unique furnishings on adult criminal offence of different types of child abuse—physical versus emotional—and on the compounding risk of abuse chronicity (Higgins, 2004; Higgins & McCabe, 2000; Schaaf & McCanne, 1998; Air current & Silvern, 1992).

Findings of several studies are relevant to the current investigation, which focuses on prospectively measured physical and emotional abuse occurrence and chronicity in relation to adult self-reported crime. Smith and Thornberry (1995) found that a measure of officially recorded kid abuse and neglect was associated with moderate to more serious forms of crime, including property damage, burglary, theft, and assault, in adolescent youth. Zingraff, Leiter, Myers, and Johnsen (1993) found that a history of child concrete and sexual abuse, also measured using official tape data, was associated with status offenses and other forms of antisocial behavior in adolescence, but the association betwixt corruption types and the outcome was not maintained when demographics (gender, race, and family unit structure) were taken into account. English, Widom, and Brandford (2002) found higher rates of arrests at age 24 years among participants of their report who had been abused or neglected. Furthermore, Widom and Maxfield (2001) determined that official abuse and neglect reports predicted arrests for violent and nonviolent crime to age xl years.

Although few in number, several studies have focused on whether different subtypes of abuse, and abuse chronicity, help explicate who is at highest hazard for after hating beliefs (e.g., English, Graham, Litrownik, Everson, & Bangdiwala, 2005; Manly, Cicchetti, & Barnett, 1994; Manly, Kim, Rogosch, & Cicchetti, 2001). In the previously mentioned report by Smith and Thornberry (1995), the researchers found an association betwixt the frequency of abuse reports and youth hating behavior as well as the number of police contacts and arrests for serious and violent criminal offense at age 13 through 17 years. That is, the more times abuse was reported, the more probable were later antisocial behavior and arrests. Jonson-Reid, Kohl, and Drake (2012) found that multiple child corruption reports (a proxy mensurate of abuse chronicity) increased the risk of official juvenile violent offenses as well as substance abuse and child abuse perpetration in adulthood. Of note, however, once earlier forms of hating behavior in childhood and adolescence were taken into account, the association between abuse reports and adult crime was attenuated. Furthermore, Zingraff et al. (1993) constitute no unique association between chronic abuse and later crime in adolescence, after accounting for initial reports of abuse. Thus, findings on abuse chronicity and crime are inconclusive.

As reflected in some of the mentioned findings, a relation between child abuse and adult criminal offense may extend a developmental design of risk and behavior that begins much earlier in life (Klika, Herrenkohl, & Lee, 2013). Testify of this design is shown in several other studies. In one, Widom, Schuck, and White (2006) establish that child corruption (and neglect) predicted early aggression earlier age 15 years and that adolescent assailment was, in plow, predictive of later trigger-happy criminal offense arrests. Similarly, Topitzes, Mersky, and Reynolds (2011) found that childhood externalizing behaviors mediated the clan between substantiated child corruption reports and developed crime convictions. Furthermore, Klika et al. (2013) establish that physical child abuse reports predicted antisocial beliefs in late childhood and that this early form of problem behaviors predicted crime in machismo.

There are several explanations for why this design exists (T. I. Herrenkohl, 2011). Social learning theory (Akers, 1985; Bandura, 1977; Contrivance, Bates, & Pettit, 1990) provides that driveling children acquire to interact with others in a manner consistent with the way others take interacted with them. Thus, when abuse and hostility define a child'due south relationships with parents and peers, those same qualities acquit forward into the child's relationship with others exterior the home. It is thus causeless that violence is a learned behavior that children repeat in their developed relationships. Some children with corruption histories will lash out aggressively confronting others fifty-fifty without straight provocation (Contrivance et al., 1990). Dodge and colleagues (1990) take actually shown that abused children oft misinterpret the intentions of others, such that they "read" others as being aggressive when they are not.

General strain theory (Agnew, 1992, 1997) offers a variation on this perspective that emphasizes the underlying emotional impact of corruption on children. For example, Agnew's strain theory suggests that the experience of being abused leads a child to develop negative emotions (due east.g., anger, frustration, shame) that bulldoze him or her to perpetrate antisocial behavior when the surrounding context allows information technology or draws it out. Because abused children can lack the ability to regulate emotions, antisocial behavior may, for some, be a reflection of strong emotions over which they take little direct control. By extension, the repetitive strain of chronic abuse may increase fifty-fifty further the likelihood of antisocial behavior because the emotional effects of repeated abuse—physical or emotional—are greater.

OBJECTIVES

This written report aims to fill up gaps in the research literature past investigating the developmental progression from concrete and emotional child abuse to later criminal offence among adults. Our event measure out of crime includes violent and nonviolent forms of that behavior, which are consistent with acts that could consequence in arrest, such equally gang fighting, theft, robbery, and drug selling. We also examine questions about the chronicity of abuse and the possibility of an even higher gamble for adult law-breaking among those in the sample. In our study, we use parent reports of abusive disciplining to derive measures of physical and emotional abuse. We besides account for official record reports of child maltreatment in the analyses by including the official records equally a covariate. Explanations are provided in the following department with respect to how each of the abuse or maltreatment variables—parent study versus official report—are positioned in estimated models. Covariates also include babyhood socioeconomic status (SES), gender, and race/ethnicity.

METHODS

Information and Procedure

Data are from the Lehigh Longitudinal Study, a prospective written report of long-term developmental outcomes subsequent to child maltreatment, which began in 1973–1974 equally the evaluation portion of a child abuse and neglect treatment and prevention programme in two counties of eastern Pennsylvania (R. C. Herrenkohl, Herrenkohl, Egolf, & Wu, 1991; T. I. Herrenkohl et al., 2013; T. I. Herrenkohl, Klika, Herrenkohl, Russo, & Dee, 2012). Almost a one-half of the original sample were selected into the study from kid welfare agency abuse and neglect caseloads (due north = 249), either substantiated or being investigated. The other one-half were selected from several grouping settings (Head Beginning centers, daycare, and nursery programs) in the same two-county area (northward = 208). The original sample (n = 457) was composed of near equal numbers of males (north = 248) and females (northward = 209). The racial and ethnic composition of the sample is consistent with the makeup of the two-canton area from which participants were drawn: ane.three% (n = vi) American Indian/Alaska Native, 0.ii% (n = 1) Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander, v.3% (n = 24) Black or African American, 80.7% (due north = 369) White, 11.2% (due north = 51) more than ane race, and ane.3% (north = 6) unknown. Eighty-six per centum of children were from two-parent households. About 61% of families were in poverty according to income-to-needs ratio in 1976 (north = 276).

The beginning "preschool" wave of the study took place in 1976–1977 when children recruited into the study were 18 months to 6 years of age. A second "schoolhouse-age" assessment was conducted in 1980–1982. A third "boyish" assessment of all youth participants (91% of the original sample) was conducted in 1990–1992, and the participants were 18 years of historic period on average. For an adult wave of the study, approximately fourscore% of the original sample still living (n = 357) was located and assessed on a comprehensive, interviewer-administered survey in 2010. The participants were 36 years of age (range = 31–41) on boilerplate. The sample remains gender balanced: 171 (47.nine%) females and 186 (52.1%) males. The ethnic/racial composition was too maintained, with the loftier majority (79.1%, due north = 280) being White. Analyses of the currently retained sample showed that although more of the original kid welfare group was lost to compunction, in that location were no significant group differences in gender, age, childhood SES, or ratings of parent-reported physically abusive discipline (R. C. Herrenkohl, Egolf, & Herrenkohl, 1997). Written report procedures were approved past the Human Subjects Division at the University of Washington and the Role of Research and Sponsored Programs at Lehigh University.

Measures

Data on physical and emotional child abuse are measured past the questions asked of parents focused on their and other caregivers' use of physically (12 items) and emotionally (7 items) calumniating disciplining strategies (see Appendix A for the list of items). These items are defined as abuse in this study based on severity rating past a group of 41 child welfare workers on a 5-point scale (5 = abusive, four = severely punishing, iii = mildly punishing, 2 = mildly rewarding, 1 = highly rewarding). The abuse items included in this report were all rated in the iv.0–5.0 (severely punishing to abusive) severity range. Abuse data were collected in the preschool and school-age waves of the written report with the same items across the time. In the preschool wave, parents were asked about their physical disciplining practices (a) in the last 3 months and (b) prior to that last 3 months while emotional disciplining practices were measured for the final 3 months only. At the schoolhouse-historic period wave, parents were asked about their physical and emotional disciplining over the past year.

In this study, the two types (physical and emotional) of child abuse are examined in two measurement dimensions: (a) whether abuse occurred and (b) whether the occurrence was repetitive across developmental phases—chronicity. Dichotomous (yes/no) variables for physical and emotional corruption indicated whether or not a child had been abused at all either physically or emotionally, beyond the times assessed (in preschool and in the school age). Corruption chronicity was captured by the number of the times in which abusive practices were used. Physical corruption chronicity ranges from 0 to iii and emotional corruption from 0 to two with no abuse = 0 for both.

Official kid welfare interest was included as a covariate. This variable reflects the group composition of the original sample recruited at the preschool wave of the report. Child welfare involvement was coded yes = 1 (n = 181, 50.8%) and no = 0 (n = 175, 49.2%) in the developed sample. This variable was included in analyses to business relationship for the original design of the sample and the overlap and divergence between official reports and parental reports. Correlations for the two measures (Table 1) suggest that they may capture different aspects of child abuse.

TABLE i

Pearson Correlations Among the Report Variables

		ane	2	3	4	5	six	seven	8	9	ten
1	Emotional abuse (EA)	1
ii	Physical corruption (PA)	.17**	1
3	EA chronicity	.87***	.23***	ane
4	PA chronicity	.xxx***	.71***	.39***	1
5	Childhood antisocial behaviora	.29***	.16**	.30***	.24***	i
vi	Developed antisocial behaviora	.24***	.ten†	.26***	.fourteen**	.31***	1
7	Male	.12*	.xi*	.13*	.12*	.23***	.35***	1
viii	Childhood SES	−.20***	−.12*	−.20***	−.xi*	−.28***	−.22***	−.01	1
9	Kid welfare interest	−.09†	.04	.07	.01	.xiii*	.18**	.04	−.57***	one
10	Indigenous minority	.07	.02	.09†	.10†	.08	.11*	−.08	−.19***	.02	1

Childhood antisocial behavior was included as a mediator of kid abuse on adult crime. Data for the measure are from a modified version of the Kid Beliefs Checklist (CBCL; Achenbach, 1978, 1988). This instrument was administered to parents during the school-historic period wave of the study. Items comprise 2 subscales: by-year child assailment (eighteen items including "teases," "cruel," and "destroys things") and past-yr child delinquency (10 items including "vandalizes," "steals," and "runs away"). Items from the aggression and delinquency subscales of the CBCL (α = .84 and .71, respectively) were standardized and combined to create an overall composite of babyhood hating behavior (Klika et al., 2013). The blended variable has a range of −1.66 to 4.27, with a mean of −0.01 (SD = 0.94). This variable was log transformed to achieve judge normality. After the transformation, the mensurate had a range of 0–1.94, with a mean of 0.92 (SD = 0.34) and a skewness of 0.21.

Adult offense was scaled from items on the Elliott, Dunford, and Huizinga (1987) Self-Reported Delinquency Scale that was used in the National Youth Survey (NYS). Items include "e'er broken or tried to pause into a building or vehicle," "ever stolen or tried to steal a motor vehicle," "ever been involved in a gang fight," "ever had or tried to accept sexual relations with someone against their will," "ever paid someone for having sexual relations with you," and "e'er sold hard drugs" (see Appendix B for full items). Affirmative responses on each item (0 = no, ane = yeah) were combined (summed) to grade a composite scale. Although the possible range of scores for this mensurate is 0 to 29, actual scores were between 0 and 23 and the hateful for the sample as a whole is 3.76 (SD = 4.46).

Three other commonly modeled covariates include babyhood SES, gender, and racial/ethnic minority. SES is a standardized composite mensurate of parents' occupational status, educational level, and family income. The SES variable has a mean of 0 and a standard deviation of 3.29. SES scores range from −5.43 and 9.18. Gender was coded so that male = 1 (n = 186) and female = 0 (n = 170). Racial/ethnic minority was coded White = 0 (n = 280) and other—ethnic minority = one (n = 74).

Analysis

A series of path models were estimated using Mplus seven (L. K. Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2012). The effects of physical and emotional abuse were examined in the total sample (northward = 356), and later on, the effects of chronicity of each type of abuse were analyzed only amongst the subsamples of individuals who experienced either physical (north = 318) or emotional (northward = 225) corruption. The sample was express to people who are abused to decide whether chronic abuse is associated with more than developed crime equally compared to nonchronically occurring corruption. These ii types of abuse were analyzed separately, although a concluding model included both types together to examine their unique effects on criminal offense. The Poisson distribution was used to accost the nature of the event variable—count data. Childhood antisocial beliefs was analyzed as a mediator of the relationship between child corruption and the upshot—adult crime in each model. The indirect effects through childhood antisocial beliefs in the path were estimated using the MODEL CONSTRAINT function of the Mplus 7 (B. O. Muthén, 2011).

The sample size–adjusted Bayesian information criterion (BIC) is reported for fit indices. In improver, the adequacy of models were determined by the chi-square difference test based on −2 times log likelihood values in comparison each estimated model with its corresponding nested model where the focal paths were constrained to be zero. Statistical significance of the difference test indicates the fit of an estimated model.

RESULTS

The big majority of the sample experienced at least one form of physical corruption (n = 318, 89.iii%). A smaller per centum, just notwithstanding a bulk (north = 225, 63.iii%), experienced at least ane class of emotional abuse. Just 6.5% of the sample (n = 23) were allowed from any abusive disciplining behavior, and 59.ii% (n = 210) experienced both types of abuse. Amid participants who experienced emotional abuse, 36.2% (n = 128) were emotionally abused at a unmarried phase (i.e., either during the final three months in preschool or during the last yr in school age), and 27.1% (n = 96) experienced emotional abuse at more one phases (i.e., in both preschool and school age). Among those who experienced physical abuse, 14.9% (north = 53) experienced physical abuse at one fourth dimension; 33.5% (n = 119) at 2 times; and xl.8% (n = 145) at three times.

Table ane shows bivariate correlations among all the variables. Emotional and physical abuse were correlated, .17 at p < .01. The presence of emotional abuse was related with chronic occurrence of physical abuse (r = .30, p < .001) and the presence of physical abuse with chronicity of emotional abuse (r = .23, p < .001). The four abuse variables were significantly correlated with childhood antisocial behaviors and developed law-breaking, only physical abuse (r = .ten, p < .10) and physical abuse chronicity (r = .fourteen, p < .01) were correlated less strongly with developed criminal offence. Every bit shown in Table i, the covariates of childhood SES and child's gender were significantly correlated with all other core variables, including corruption subtypes, childhood antisocial behavior, and developed criminal offense. Official child welfare involvement was non significantly correlated with parent-reported abuse, although emotional abuse approached significance (r = 0.09, p < .10). Childhood SES was correlated with official child welfare involvement (r = −.57, p < .001) at a much higher level than with parent-reported abuse.

Findings of a total analysis model bear witness that although physical corruption was not directly related to adult criminal offence, it was indirectly related to the upshot through childhood hating behavior (Figure 1). The coefficient (β) for the path between concrete abuse and childhood antisocial behavior was 0.17 (p < .001) and that for childhood antisocial behavior to adult crime was 0.62 (p < .001). The coefficient for this indirect path was 0.21 and statistically pregnant at p < .001.

Effects of physical abuse (left) and its chronicity (correct) during childhood on adult criminal offense (standardized).

SES = socioeconomic status; MLR = maximum likelihood interpretation with robust standard errors; BIC = Bayesian data criterion.

^† p < .x. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Among participants who had some exposure to concrete child abuse (i.due east., a subsample of those who had been physically abused at to the lowest degree once in the preschool and school-age cess periods), a like pattern was shown (Effigy ane). Hither, chronicity of physical abuse was indirectly related to adult crime through childhood antisocial behavior. Coefficients were β = 0.12 (p < .10) for chronicity of concrete abuse on babyhood hating behavior and β = 0.60 (p < .001) for babyhood hating behavior to adulthood crime. The coefficient for this indirect path was 0.06 and marginally meaning at p = .059.

As illustrated in Effigy ii, emotional abuse was both straight related to crime (β = 0.27, p < .05) and besides indirectly related to this outcome through childhood hating behavior, when examined for the full analysis sample. In the model, emotional abuse predicted babyhood antisocial beliefs (β = 0.16, p < .01), which, in turn, predicted adult crime (β = 0.55, p < .001). The coefficient for this indirect path was 0.eleven and statistically significant at p < .01. Still, as shown in Figure 2, in that location was no evidence of a chronicity effect among those who had been emotionally abused; that is, neither a significant straight nor indirect consequence of chronicity of emotional corruption on later developed crime was shown when analyzed for the subgroup of emotionally abused children.

Effects of emotional abuse (left) and its chronicity (right) during childhood on adult crime (standardized).

SES = socioeconomic status; MLR = maximum likelihood estimation with robust standard errors; BIC = Bayesian information criterion.

^† p < .10. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

The concluding model included both the physical and emotional abuse variables together to test their unique direct and indirect furnishings on developed crime (Figure 3). In this analysis, both the physical and emotional abuse variables predicted adult crime indirectly through childhood antisocial behavior. That is, physical and emotional corruption predicted childhood antisocial behavior (β = 0.xvi at p < .01 and 0.13 at p < .05, respectively), which, in plow, predicted afterward adult crime (β = 0.57, p < .001). Furthermore, emotional corruption predicted adult offense directly as well (β = 0.27, p < .01) afterward accounting for other variables in the model.

Unique effects of physical and emotional child corruption on adult criminal offence (standardized). The correlations betwixt covariates and predictors (concrete and emotional corruption) are not presented for legibility of the figure. The correlations are consistent with those in models of abuse presence and available upon request. SES = socioeconomic status; MLR = maximum likelihood interpretation with robust standard errors; BIC = Bayesian information criterion.

*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Covariates in the final model produced some interesting effects worthy of mention. For example, male person gender was positively related with physical and emotional corruption (β = 0.11 and 0.12 at p < .05, respectively), babyhood hating beliefs (β = 0.22, p < .001), and adult crime (β = 0.47, p < .001). Childhood SES was associated with adult criminal offence indirectly through physical (β = −0.11, p < .10 for the path from SES and concrete abuse) and emotional corruption (β = −0.19, p < .001 from SES and emotional abuse). Furthermore, official child welfare reports of abuse and fail had a direct effect on later developed crime (β = 0.23, p < .05) in the final model.

DISCUSSION

This study examined the direct and indirect effects of physical and emotional abuse exposure and chronicity on adult crime, while accounting for antisocial behavior earlier in life. Babyhood antisocial beliefs was included as a potential mediator in the analyses because published research suggests that adult criminal behavior is often an extension of earlier forms of hating behavior that are located more proximally to child corruption as a developmental risk factor (Klika et al., 2013). Results provide prove of relatively small-scale merely consequent indirect furnishings of physical and emotional corruption on afterward developed criminal offense. Emotional abuse besides appears to accept a direct outcome on adult offense, suggesting that variables other than babyhood hating beliefs (and the covariates included) are needed to explicate this association.

Subgroup tests of the chronicity of physical and emotional abuse are also revealing. Findings for physical abuse chronicity suggest that exposure to this form of abuse over time can increase even further the risk of adult law-breaking among those who were abused. In contrast, there was no evidence of a higher take a chance of adult offense among those who were chronically emotionally abused. A last analysis showed that both types of corruption conduct their own, contained risks for adult crime that is partially or fully explained past the onset of childhood antisocial behavior. Unique effects of concrete and emotional abuse found in the terminal model implicate possible "double whammy" effects (Hughes, Parkinson, & Vargo, 1989). Experience of concrete abuse carries an condiment outcome among people who are emotionally driveling as emotional abuse does amongst people who are physically abused, although future studies are warranted to formally address whether this additive effect is present forth with the effect of multiple adverse circumstances in childhood.

These findings are instructive considering they provide some evidence that the two types of child abuse relate somewhat differently to after involvement with criminal behavior. And they add to what is known from more often than not cantankerous-exclusive studies on patterns of antisocial behavior (e.thousand., Manly et al., 1994; Watts & McNulty, 2013). Of annotation in this report, the result of parent-reported child corruption on adult criminal offence was mediated past childhood antisocial behavior, whereas our measure of officially recorded child maltreatment predicted adult criminal offence straight, suggesting that different sources of data on kid abuse tin relate to outcomes in a somewhat different manner.

Interestingly, the findings of this study stand in some contrast to those of other studies on physical abuse particularly. Whereas findings of this written report advise that physical abuse is not directly related to adult criminal offense once childhood antisocial behavior and demographic variables are considered, other studies provide contrasting findings (Maxfield & Widom, 1996; Widom & Maxfield, 2001). For instance, Widom and Maxfield (2001) reported descriptive statistics that those physically abused in childhood had the highest rate of arrests for violent crime (21.1%) to historic period forty years when compared to those who had been sexually abused (viii.eight%) or not abused at all (thirteen.9%). Nonetheless, they did not account for possible third variables, such every bit demographic indicators and childhood antisocial behavior. A study by Zingraff and colleagues (1993) institute, much like nosotros did in the electric current longitudinal investigation, that there was no straight association between concrete abuse and afterwards antisocial behavior once demographic variables were taken into account.

Our findings generally are consistent with other studies that have examined childhood antisocial beliefs every bit both a consequence of child abuse and predictor of after (adult) criminal behavior (e.g., Klika et al., 2013; Topitzes et al., 2011). Topitzes et al. (2011) showed that child corruption predicted developed crime through before aggressive and delinquent behaviors measured in late childhood or early adolescence (Class iii to Grade 6). In a previously published report on this aforementioned dataset, Klika et al. (2013) showed that the effect of concrete child abuse on later criminal beliefs in adults was explained by their early on onset of antisocial behavior and that information technology was the early onset of the behavior that predicted subsequently criminal beliefs, non so much the abuse itself. This study adds to the literature past including additional control variables (official maltreatment and ethnic/racial minority) and examining the mechanism beyond physical abuse.

Although this study adds to what has been published on the topics of child abuse and hating behavior, information technology is not without limitations. I limitation is that we investigated just two of the known types of child maltreatment that may relate to later crime in adults. In addition, analyses did non include data on neglect, although they did business relationship for child welfare interest, which was caused by before neglect for some. Other limitations include our beingness unable to fully differentiate in analyses concrete and emotional corruption cases given the possible overlap in these forms of abuse (although we did account for their shared influence on adult crime in a final model test) and our studying babyhood antisocial behavior equally a mediator that overlaps temporally with other variables in the model.

Finally, our chronicity measure of this study does non capture abuse frequencies so does not distinguish a repetition over time of a unmarried incidence of abuse from a repetition of frequent occurrences of corruption. Hereafter studies that account for both frequency and overtime chronicity are warranted because the two are likely to collaborate.

Nevertheless, the longitudinal blueprint of our report and use of high-quality data to investigate important questions almost abuse and antisocial or criminal behavior adds to what is known and can inform other studies in the research literature.

Acknowledgments

Funds for this project were provided past the National Institute of Kid Health and Homo Development (RO1 HD049767) and the National Institute of Justice (2012-IJ-CX-0023). The content of this article is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the funding agencies.

APPENDIX A

Items Measuring Physical and Emotional Abuse

	Concrete Corruption Items	due north (%)	Emotional Abuse Items	north (%)
i	Pepper in mouth	78 (21.nine)	Take meals away	15 (4.two)
two	Slap face	220 (61.eight)	Threaten to get out	117 (32.9)
3	Milk shake	155 (43.v)	Embarrass	119 (33.4)
four	Pull hair	172 (48.three)	Threaten to send away	125 (35.1)
five	Hit with stick	213 (59.viii)	Isolate in nighttime room	4 (one.1)
6	Hit with strap	164 (46.1)	Ridicule	120 (33.vii)
7	Bite	93 (26.ane)	Lock out of firm	8 (2.2)
viii	Bite to bruise	14 (3.9)
9	Slap to bruise	89 (25.0)
10	Hit to trample	63 (17.7)
11	Burn	21 (5.9)
12	Burn to leave marker	10 (two.eight)

APPENDIX B

Items Measuring Adult Offense

	Survey Detail	Offense Category
1	Ever purposely damaged/destroyed property of your parents or other family members?	Holding
2	Ever purposely damaged/destroyed property of your employer?	Property
3	E'er purposely damaged/destroyed property that did non belong to you lot, not counting family or work property?	Property
4	Ever purposely set up burn or tried to do then?	Holding
five	E'er broken or tried to break into a building or vehicle to steal something or just to await effectually?	Belongings
6	Ever stolen or tried to steal things worth more than $50?	Property
7	E'er taken a vehicle for a ride or driven without the owner's permission?	Property
8	E'er stolen or tried to steal a motor vehicle?	Holding
9	Ever used checks illegally or used phony money to pay for something?	Property
10	Ever knowingly bought, sold, or held stolen goods?	Property
11	Ever stolen coin or other things from your parents or other family members?	Property
12	Ever stolen coin, goods, or property from the place where you work?	Property
13	E'er used or tried to use credit cards without owner'due south permission?	Holding
xiv	E'er snatched someone'south purse or wallet or picked someone'southward pocket?	Property
15	Always embezzled coin?	Property
16	E'er used force or strong-arm methods to go money or things from people?	Property
17	E'er tried to cheat someone by selling them something that was worthless?	Property
18	E'er had or tried to have sexual relations with someone against their will?	Person
19	E'er been involved in a gang fight?	Person
20	Ever hit or threatened to striking parent(s)?	Person
21	Ever hitting or threatened to hitting your supervisor or other employee?	Person
22	Ever threatened to hit anyone?	Person
23	Ever hit anyone?	Person
24	When you hit this person, did y'all have the idea of seriously pain or killing this person?	Person
25	Ever been paid for having sexual relations with someone?	Guild
26	Ever paid someone for having sexual relations with y'all?	Lodge
27	E'er carried a hidden weapon?	Guild
28	Ever sold marijuana or hashish?	Society
29	Ever sold hard drugs?	Society

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4991621/

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